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  • Rival Illegal Armed Groups Terrify Communities in the Rio Quito Chocó

    Rival Illegal Armed Groups Terrify Communities in the Rio Quito Chocó

    On 15 May 2020 there was an armed skirmish between illegal armed groups in the Rio Quito Choco, as one armed groups attempted to, and succeeded in robbing, a floating mining platform (called Entable in Spanish), located in the Cari Pato stream, between the village of San Isidro and La Loma, in the Quito River (Rio Quito). Both groups were heavily armed.  The administrator of one of the “dragons” (mining equipment) was shot dead as a result of the crossfire between the two warring groups. This skirmish left one person dead and various others disappeared.

    Community in El Rio Quito

    Communities in the Rio Quito are living in fear that this has created a vendetta between the illegal armed groups. They are well aware of what this will mean for them, as these communities are living in the middle of this conflict. For other communities, this kind of violent conflict between warring groups, has forced communities to displace in fear for their lives. Communities in the Rio Quito are in acute danger living in this situation. They are calling on the State to intervene and for the accompaniment of state institutions to ensure the protection of the lives of those living in the communities along the riverbank.

    This is the second violent event that occurs less than 15 days and according to the report from the MagazineChoco (RevistaChoco), quoting a local source, it is likely that many more people will be killed, as the confrontation between these two groups was lengthy and fierce. In dialogue with the RevistaChoco magazine, the mayor, Herlin Antonio Mosquera, hinted at his concern and called on the authorities to strengthen security.  However, there is a permanent army checkpoint at the entrance to the Rio Quito. Those local to the area are questioning how this incident could happen just half an hour from the check point.

    ABColombia took a delegation of members of the UK Parliament and the Irish Dáil to Chocó in 2017, namely, Baroness Jean Coussins, Senator Catherine Noone, and Fiona O’Loughlin TD. ABColombia is also a frequent visitor to the communities along the banks of the Rio Quito. We have noted the permanent army checkpoint at the entrance to the Rio Quito, which is a tributary of the Rio Atrato. The entrance to the Rio Quito is visible from the main town of Quibdó, where the police station sits overlooking the river. It is therefore unsurprising that the communities, and anyone who knows this part of Chocó, questions how incidents like this can happen when all the traffic into the Rio Quito and leaving the Rio Quito must pass this checkpoint. The Rio Quito can only be accessed by the river as there are no roads.

    The Rio Quito is one of the rivers most impacted by illegal gold mining, this has generated violence for communities living along its riverbanks, as the floating mining stations are protected by illegal armed groups.

    Chocó is one of the top ten biodiversity hotspots in the world, the communities there are impacted by the illegal gold mining, illegal logging and suffer from lack of basic services (water, health, education). The conflict and the lack of basic services has resulted in humanitarian crisis. As a result of the lack of interest by the State in addressing these issues in Chocó, the communities were forced to take the State to the Colombian Constitutional Court. There they won a landmark decision T-622 which gave rights to the river Atrato and its tributaries, as well as, addressing the lack of adequate State Institutions and basic services.

    The Court ordered various Ministries including the Ministry of Defence to draw up, in consultation with the Guardians of the Atrato (14 people, two from each community elected by the communities to oversee the implantation of the sentence T-622, created by an order of the Constitutional Court the 15th Guardian being the Minister of Environment0, an action plan to remove these mining platforms from the Atrato and its tributaries (which included the Rio Quito).

    This situation poses a major risk for the Afro-Colombian communities living on collectively owned land in the Rio Quito.

    Further Reading:

  • Illegal spying scandal:Public Statement

    Illegal spying scandal:Public Statement

    On 1 May 2020, an important political news magazine Semana, in an article called “Las carpetas secretas” (The Secret Files), alleged that Colombian Army Military Intelligence had been gathering surveillance on journalists, human rights defenders, trade unionists, political opposition, judges, and lawyers including those working on extrajudicial killings. This type of information gathering seriously affect their constitutional and democratic rights. This list of 130 people also includes international organisations working on human rights.

    See our statement about this situation below. PDF in Spanish.

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    International civil society organisations warn of the severe risks posed by government intelligence systems on peace and democracy in Colombia.

    The international civil society organisations signatories to this Statement, express their solidarity with the over 130 people – including, journalists, members of political parties, NGOs, defenders of human rights, and trade unionists – who, according to investigations undertaken by the magazine, Semana, have been victims of illegal surveillance. This has been implemented through a computer tracking programme and carried out by various units of the Colombian Army. This surveillance, which even includes senior officials from the Iván Duque government, calls into question Colombian constitutional guarantees and democratic principles.

    Worryingly, according to the results of the journalistic investigation these incidences of surveillance were in response to the New York Times publications in early 2019, regarding the recurrence of the extrajudicial executions, and the investigation by the Liga contra el Silencio and the Rutas del Conflicto regarding agreements  between extractive companies and the Ministry of Defence in July 2019.

    Freedom of expression is recognised by the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights,  in Colombia it is a constitutional right (article 20), and it is essential in the development of democracy and for the full exercise of human rights – as affirmed in chapter VIII of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. As highlighted by the Colombian Office of the UN High Commission for Human Rights, government intelligence systems should be utilised for the protection, and not the violation of human rights. In this regard, we urge the Colombian State to take concrete measures to regulate the intelligence systems.

    It is urgent that the Colombian government, in an exercise of transparency with Colombian citizens and with the international community, progress the pertinent investigations to clarify the origins of these actions and bring to account before the competent authorities the people responsible for this very serious attack on the work of the defence of  human rights, freedom of the press, and guarantees for political opposition in Colombia.

    Furthermore, the Colombian government must provide sufficient guarantees: to life and integrity, the right to defend human rights, to human rights defenders and human rights organisations in general, and in particular, for those who remain exposed due to this illegal practice.

    As international civil society organisations, we want to emphasise the serious risk to the sustainability of the Colombian peace process, in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, due to this type of persecution of the political opposition, coupled with the increase in killings of human rights defenders and ex-FARC combatants, which amount to over 100 cases so far in 2020, according to INDEPAZ figures.

    Intelligence systems must respect human rights and be subjected to strict civil and legal control.

    6 May 2020

    Spanish Version

    Las Organizaciones internacionales de sociedad civil que suscriben el presente comunicado expresan su solidaridad con las más de 130 personas, entre ellas, periodistas, integrantes de partidos políticos, ONGs defensoras de derechos humanos y sindicalistas, quienes, de acuerdo con las investigaciones de la revista Semana, vienen siendo víctimas de un nuevo episodio de interceptaciones ilegales, mediante la implementación de un programa de seguimiento informático, ejecutado por varias unidades del Ejército nacional. Estas interceptaciones que incluyen incluso altos funcionarios del Gobierno de Iván Duque, ponen en cuestión las garantías de los principios constitucionales y democráticos en Colombia.

    Son preocupantes los resultados de esta investigación periodística, según los cuales, estas escuchas se dan en respuesta a las publicaciones, realizadas por el New York Times a comienzos del 2019, sobre el regreso de las ejecuciones extrajudiciales y la investigación de la Liga contra el Silencio y las Rutas del Conflicto sobre convenios entre empresas extractivas y el Ministerio de Defensa en julio de 2019.

    La libertad de expresión está recogida en la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos de 1948, en Colombia, es un derecho constitucional (artículo 20) y es esencial, como lo afirma la Comisión Interamericana de derechos Humanos en su capítulo VIII, en el desarrollo de la democracia y para el ejercicio pleno de los derechos humanos.

    Como lo resalta la Oficina en Colombia de la Alta Comisionada para los Derechos Humanos de la ONU los sistemas de inteligencia estatal deben usarse para la protección de los derechos humanos, y no para vulnerarlos. En ese sentido exhortamos al Estado colombiano a tomar las medidas concretas de regulación de dichos sistemas de inteligencia.

    Es urgente que el Estado colombiano en un ejercicio de transparencia con el pueblo colombiano y con la comunidad internacional adelante las investigaciones pertinentes que den claridad sobre el origen de estas acciones y lleve ante las autoridades competentes a los responsables de esta gravísima agresión a la labor de defensa de los derechos humanos, la libertad de prensa y las garantías a la oposición política en Colombia.

    El Estado colombiano debe, así mismo, brindar las garantías suficientes a la Vida e integridad y el derecho a la defensa de las personas y organizaciones defensoras de derechos humanos en general y de manera particular de quienes han quedado expuestas con esta práctica ilegal.

    Como organizaciones de la sociedad civil internacional alertamos sobre el alto riesgo que corre la sostenibilidad del proceso de paz en Colombia, en medio de la pandemia del Covid-19, con este tipo de persecuciones a la oposición política, sumadas al incremento de asesinatos contra las personas defensoras de derechos humanos y excombatientes de las Farc que en lo que va corrido del 2020 ya suman más de 100, de acuerdo con registros de Indepaz.


    Los sistemas de inteligencia deben respetar los derechos humanos y estar sujetos a estrictos controles civiles y judiciales

  • COVID-19 and Human Rights in Colombia

    COVID-19 and Human Rights in Colombia

    “It is not a time to neglect human rights; it is a time when, more than ever, human rights are needed to navigate this crisis in a way that will allow us, as soon as possible, to focus again on achieving equitable sustainable development and sustaining peace” UN Report Covid-19 and Human Rights: We are All in this Together

    On 11 March 2020 the World Health Organization (WHO) declared Coronavirus (COVID-19) a pandemic. In the case of Colombia, according to the Ombudsman (Defensoría de Pueblo) the first positive diagnosis took place on 7 March 2020. The government of Ivan Duque Marquez moved quickly to declare a state of emergency on 17 March 2020, and on 22 March issued Decreto 457 ordering mandatory confinement. According to UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Spanish Acronym), COVID-19 was present at that time in 19 of Colombia’s 32 departments. Initially, mandatory confinement was until 27 April, this has since been extended to 11 May 2020.

    While COVID-19 is infecting all people and all countries, not all people and all countries are equally impacted.

    The historic inequalities that exist in Colombia and of lack of access to basic services, such as health and water to name just two, are impacting unequally and disproportionately on rural populations especially those that have a long history of marginalisation, such as women, Indigenous Peoples, afro-Colombian and peasant farmer communities as well as the poor in urban areas. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), Colombia is among the three countries with the highest levels of inequality in Latin America, with a Gini coefficient of 0.51.

    Colombian Governments Strategy to address COVID 19

    The main strategy of the Colombian Government to stop the spread of the COVID-19, like other countries is confinement, social distancing, regular washing of hands and surfaces. However, the possibilities of putting this policy is often impossible for a large percentage of the population in Colombia. According to the 2018 Public Service Report, only 35% of households in rural areas have access to water in their homes, and 87.5% in urban areas. In addition to this disadvantage many rural communities and poor urban population find that the actions they need to take to prevent the spread of the virus are in tension with the basic need of food (and the capacity to purchase this) and water.

    “While multiple institutions and even former FARC guerrillas are trying to bolster the country’s fragile healthcare system, the main challenge is to prevent starvation among those who have been left without income.” Colombia Reports

    There are reports of citizens and communities suffering hunger, lack of drinking water, or water for sanitary purposes. Many who live off daily earnings or who are sub-contracted in cities have been left without an income.

    There is a desperation amongst the poorest in Colombia, on the one hand they want to avoid contracting the virus because there is no access for them to adequate medical attention and on the other they are responsible for feeding their families and providing a roof over their heads, and without an income they are unable to do that. Many in the rural areas have continued to sell their produce, risking contracting the virus, only to find that no one is buying it.

    Corruption and Emergency Aid

    Although emergency aid was subsequently promised by the Duque government its delivery has been marred by corruption and mismanagement resulting in food and water not reaching people in desperate need.  According to Noticias Capital, the Comptroller General opened 27 preliminary investigations of corruption against the Ministry of Defence and the local authorities in Arauca, Vichada, Cesar, Valle de Cauca, Casanare, Tolima, Nariño and Guaviare for corruption in relation to emergency aid.

    In the capital Bogota, households under quarantine resorted to hanging red material from their windows in a desperate bid to alert the outside world to their hunger. The World Food Programme by the end of April 2020 had registered over 900,000 vulnerable people affected by the socioeconomic effects of COVID-19 who had applied to them for food. The precarious situation of many people has increased social protests, roadblocks and looting of trucks carrying food in some regions of the country.

    In a positive expression of solidarity, citizens in Bogota and Medellin responded to the calls for help. As a result of the failure of central government aid, local fundraising was organised to buy food for the city’s poor to survive the quarantine, by the Mayors of Bogota and Medellin. They fundraised US$13 million in Bogota and almost US$3.3 million in Medellin.

    Venezuelan migrants were not included in the Government’s emergency aid programs, and as a result of worsening conditions many returned to Venezuela. Colombia opened its boarder to allow them to cross into Venezuela. Where they encountered an even worse humanitarian crisis. Consequently, many opted to return to Colombia, however, entry borders had been closed to prevent the spread of COVID 19. Those re-entering Colombia are classed as illegal migrants, having crossed a closed border. They have therefore moved from legal to illegal migrants, further compounding their situation.

    The Wayuu Peoples and the Afro-Colombian communities in quarantine, in la Guajira are an example of lack of access to water. Making even more pertinent the legal struggle they are engaged in to protect their rivers from the impacts of the Carbones de Cerrejón (Cerrejón). One of the largest open pit coal mines globally, jointly owned by London registered multination giants AngloAmerican, BHP Billiton and Glencore.

    In responding to the confinement requirements for COVID-19 pandemic, the Wayuu indigenous peoples are unable to selling or exchanging their crafts for the food and water they need to survive. Water is precious in the Dry Tropical Forests of La Guajira. Cerrejón has impacted on at least 19 of their rivers and flood plains . The communities are engaged in a legal battle to stop the Coal company from redirecting the river – Arroyo Bruno – to serve the purposes of the mine. In this crisis they have sent out an urgent call for the mine to immediately release the tap on the Arroyo Bruno. This river was tapped off earlier this year ahead of the Court’s ruling. Some civil society organisations are raising funds to directly help support these communities (if you would like to help this link takes you to the giving webpage).

    Health Infrastructure and rural communities

    The precarious conditions for the right to health suffered by Indigenous, Afro-Colombian and peasant communities in Colombia makes them even more vulnerable.  For example, in Chocó on the Pacific Coast of Colombia, where many of ABColombia’s partners are located, over 90% of the population are Indigenous and Afro-Colombians living on collectively owned territory. A department historically neglect by the State, structurally weak in attending to basic needs, and experiencing a humanitarian crisis. It is served mainly by third level hospitals (similar to cottage hospital in the UK), with the exception of the departmental capital Quibdó, where the only second level hospital is located. However, this hospital has no more than 27 Intensive Care Units (ICU)[i] for a population of approximately 500,000. It would be a medical catastrophe if COVID-19 took hold in Chocó with its weak health infrastructure.

    On 29 April Colombia had registered 5,597 cases of COVID 19 the majority in Bogota 2,345. Nationally 253 people were confirmed as having died from COVID-19. The highest number of reported deaths from COVID-19 are in the departments and districts of: Santa Marta, Amazonas, Cartagena, Bogotá, Valle del Cauca, Risaralda, Quindío and Huila. However, the capacity for testing in the rural and neglected areas of the country is limited, which suggests the possibility of much large numbers of infections and deaths not yet been reported. An example of the difficulties, in one Indigenous Tribe in Choco, that lives approximately eight hours from Quibdó (departmental capital), reported COVID19 symptoms, but there was no way to test and confirm this. In Amazonas there is a lack of resources to attend to the COVID-19 emergency, it currently has one of the highest numbers of reported cases and no intensive care beds. The health minister, Fernando Ruiz, has announced that the government will improve the medical resources in Amazonas assigning a budget increase for the regional hospital of approximately US 3.6m [2].

    Afro-Colombian, Indigenous and Peasant farmer communities across Colombia wrote to President Duque:

    “Today we need you to respond to us, in order that we can take preventative measures to face the COVID19 pandemic. This means being able to access drinking water, food supplies, and urgent attention to the symptoms of malaria, dengue and other diseases that are affecting us. This URGENT decision will help avoid serious consequences and social, environmental and cultural impacts of the quarantine from which it will be difficult for us to recover…Mr President, those of us in remote territories… are in absolutely delicate and serious situations. We are in urgent need of medical treatment …. There are high levels of malnutrition. We are without water.” Read the full letter

    The Colombian state fails to comply with its own directives on Covid 19

    Despite the national quarantine and the COVID-19 pandemic, the government of Colombia decided to intensify its coca eradication programme. On the 25 March 2020 the Security Forces carried out  coca eradication in six departments of Colombia, Putumayo, Caquetá, el sur de Córdoba, Chocó, Catatumbo y Nariño.  This involved taking troops and those hired to carry out the eradication into rural areas with the strong possibility that at least one person would be carrying, into these more remote regions, COVID-19. By doing this the Colombian government is not upholding its own strategy for containing the virus. For example, one of these operations took place in Putumayo, this department is referred to as the entrance to the Amazon, where according to  UN OCHA (29 April 2020) there are no cases of COVID-19 registered, over 80 anti-narcotics police were flown in by helicopter  to carry out the forced eradication. The risk of the transmission of COVID 19 into an area with no reported cases and poor health infrastructure is a very questionable action. It is important to note that five out of the six departments were these operations took place there are agreements in operation with the Programa Nacional Integral de Sustitución de Cultivos (Integrated National Programme for Crop Substitution- PNIS) for voluntary eradication. There can be no justification for putting at risk the lives of communities in this way.

    Conflict and COVID19

    Despite the ELN agreeing to a unilateral ceasefire to help prevent the spread COVID19 none of the other armed groups agreed to this. The ELN ceasefire maintained their right to defend themselves against attack. There have however been breeches on the part of the ELN.

    “Armed groups as well as criminal groups appear to be taking advantage of the fact that most of the people are in lockdown to expand their presence and control over the territory,”

    Neo-paramilitary Groups, ELN, FARC dissidents, EPL are all continuing their struggle to control illicit economies and expand their territorial control with no regard to the danger of bringing into these communities COVID-19.

    There have been several mass displacements in the departments of Chocó and Nariño on the Pacific Coast of Colombia, seven between the last week of March and 25 April, with over a 1,000 people displaced. In addition to this in other parts of Chocó, the conflict has confined almost a 1,000 people.

    In addition, in many areas they are issuing orders to control behaviours, erecting illegal checkpoints, to control people’s movements.

    The Dangers for Human Rights Defenders in Lockdown

    Dangers for Community Leaders and Human Rights Defenders with the lockdown in place, dangers for Community Leaders and Human Rights Defenders have exacerbated; those who have been threatening them for defending the rights of others have able to locate them easily in their homes. For example on 24 March 2020 armed men arrived at the house of Carlota Isabel Salina Perez, member of the Popular Women’s Organisation (Organización Femenina Popular), forced her out of her home and shot her. Since then her partner has disappeared. On the same day indigenous leaders Omar and Ernesto Guasiruma were killed in their homes. As well as, Julio Sandoval Chía (Norte de Santander) and Ángel Ovidio Quintero (Antioquia).

    An assassination plan was revealed to kill Jani Silva, community leader of the Peasant Farmer Reserve Perla Amazónica (ZRCPA), Putumayo.. Illegal armed groups have been moving around freely in the region of Perla Amazónica and the Putumayo river. These illegal armed structures are present in the same areas of operation as the 27ª Brigada de la Selva (27th Jungle Brigade) and the Fuerza Naval del Sur (Southern Navy Force). Three other leaders from Perla Amazónica have also received multiple death threats and arer concenred that during this COVID19 crisis they will be acted on. They are still waiting for the government to respond to a longstanding request for collective protection measures.

  • Libren El Arroyo Bruno

    Libren El Arroyo Bruno

    Nota de Prensa

     Indígenas Wayuu y afrodescendientes exigen a la minera Anglo American retornar el agua al Arroyo Bruno desviado para la extracción de carbón.

    La mina de Carbones de Cerrejon (Los propietarios están registrados en la Bolsa de Londres: AngloAmerican, BHP Billiton, Glencore)

    El 5 de mayo de 2020, Anglo American, una empresa multinacional minera (MNC por sus siglas en inglés) que cotiza en la bolsa de Londres celebrará su AGA a puertas cerradas. Anglo American es una de las tres MNC que son dueñas de la mina de carbón a cielo abierto Carbones de Cerrejón (Cerrejón) en La Guajira, en el norte de Colombia.

    Las comunidades cercanas a Cerrejón han luchado en los tribunales para impedir la destrucción de sus ríos. Al menos 19 ríos y llanuras aluviales se han visto impactados por la mina. En un área que sufre por la sequía, la mina de Cerrejón utiliza 16 millones de litros de agua al día.

    La disposición gubernamental de confinamiento se emitió entre profundas desigualdades. Las comunidades indígenas y afrocolombianas se enfrentan a esta pandemia sin agua, sin alimentos y sin las garantías mínimas para su subsistencia. La crisis humanitaria preexistente se ha visto exacerbada por el COVID-19.

    El desafío principal de las comunidades durante esta pandemia del coronavirus es el acceso allegal constante para defender sus derechos, las comunidades circundantes a la mina Cerrejón, y las que han sido reubicadas a otras zonas, batallan para satisfacer sus necesidades básicas. Las fuentes de agua de la comunidad han sido cortadas, obligando a las comunidades a depender de lo poco que les da la empresa. Conforme el COVID-19 afecta cada vez más a Colombia, la falta de acceso a alimentos y agua limpia se está convirtiendo para estas comunidades en confinamiento en cuestión de vida o muerte.

    “El carbón no es un derecho humano, podemos vivir sin la explotación de carbón, pero no podemos vivir sin agua y sin cultura”.

    Luis Misael Socarras, Fuerza de Mujeres Wayuu

    Lo que las comunidades wayuu y afro-Colombian exigen es que la empresa deje que las aguas de sus ríos y arroyos fluyan libremente a lo largo de su cauce natural. Debido a que son sagrados y proveen bienestar – son fuentes de agua potable, practicas culturales, cultivos y lavado. En el Marco de la Sentencia de la Corte Constitucional, las comunidades están haciendo una llamada urgente de retirar el tapón que mantiene este desvió para las aguas del Arroyo Bruno retornen a su cauce natural.

    Luisa Rodriguez, investigadora, CINEP.

    Aunque Cerrejón apoya la distribución del agua y ayudas humanitarias, la negación del derecho al agua de las comunidades en primer lugar hace que éstas dependan aún más de las ayudas. En lugar de tener acceso al agua limpia de los ríos principales y sus afluentes, el agua tiene que distribuirse de manera manual a las comunidades confinadas.

    “El agua es un derecho humano y esencial en la cosmovisión de la cultura tradicional Wayuú. Defender los ríos, el agua, el territorio es una práctica que le ha costado la vida a los líderes indígenas que protestan contra la mina. Han sido amenazados y asesinados y esto es totalmente inaceptable.”

    Carlos Mejía, Director Ejecutivo de Oxfam Colombia

    Con total desconsideración por la salud de las comunidades y de sus trabajadores, Cerrejón anunció que reanudará sus operaciones el 27 de abril, aunque el COVID-19 todavía no ha llegado a su punto más grave en Colombia: el gobierno le ha ordenado a la población que se confine hasta el 11 de mayo. Cerrejón también va a traer a personas de fuera de La Guajira para seguir con sus actividades mineras. Esto va a exponer a las comunidades indígenas y afrocolombianas y a los trabajadores locales, con poco acceso a los centros de salud, al virus COVID-19.

    La protección de los ríos de las comunidades no han sido prioridad ni de las autoridades locales ni de la mina Cerrejón. Cada vez hay más sentencias de la Corte Constitucional y los tribunales locales, en las que se sanciona a Cerrejón por los daños causados al ambiente, a la salud, a la alimentación, al agua, al territorio. Sin embargo, Cerrejón incumple continuamente.

    Para organizer entrevistas contactar a: Louise Winstanley, ABColombia Programme and Advocacy Manager on: Mobile +44 7920886874 o, WhatsApp +44 7920886874 Email: lwinstanley@abcolombia.org.uk

    Notes:

    • Luisa Rodriguez Gaitán, Investigadora y asesora de Incidencia de la Línea de Interculturalidad del CINEP/Programa por la Paz. Hace más de 5 años ha acompañado en formación, investigación e incidencia a comunidades wayuu y afro afectadas por la minería a cielo abierto en el Sur de La Guajira
    • , líder Wayuu de la comunidad La Gran arada y coordinador de agua y ambiente de movimiento Fuerza de Mujeres Wayuu. Fue uno de los demandantes en el caso de Arroyo Bruno y la acción contra el licenciamiento ambiental del Carbones de Cerrejón.
    • Carlos Mejia, Director Ejecutivo de Oxfam Colombia, durante más de 25 años ha estado trabajando en temas humanitarios y de desarrollo, liderando programas y equipos en todo el mundo.
    • ABColombia ABColombia es un proyecto de incidencia política de cinco agencias británicas e irlandesas con programas en Colombia: CAFOD, Christian Aid UKI, Oxfam GB, SCIAF y Trócaire.  Amnistía Internacional y Brigadas Internacional de Paz (PBI) son observadores. El acrónimo ABColombia abrevia “Agencias Británicas e Irlandesas trabajando en Colombia. ABColombia tiene casi 100 copartes en Colombia, incluyendo a CINEP. www.abcolombia.org.uk
    • CINEP (El Centro de Investigación y Educación Popular) nace en 1972 como una fundación sin ánimo de lucro con una mirada crítica y alternativa de la realidad colombiana. Se fundamenta en la producción sistemática de información, en la reflexión con rigor investigativo, en las propuestas de educación popular para el fortalecimiento de las organizaciones y las comunidades, y en una acción de incidencia intencionada en lo público. Desde una opción preferencial por las comunidades excluidas y víctimas, en particular aquellas a las que no se les reconocen ni respetan sus derechos fundamentales, el centro anima el cambio social a partir de las orientaciones de la Compañía de Jesús en Colombia.

    Further Information

    Carbones de Cerrejón es una de las minas de carbón a cielo abierto más grandes del mundo y cubre una superficie de 69,000 hectáreas de tierra en medio del territorio indígena Wayuu y el territorio de las comunidades campesinas afrocolombianas. Estas comunidades han estado luchando durante años contra la reubicación forzada, problemas de salud, degradación ambiental y destrucción de sus ríos supuestamente causados por la mina. Entre 2010 y 2018, más de 4,770 menores indígenas en La Guajira murieron de desnutrición, pero Cerrejón en un año ‘lento’ (2017) obtuvo una ganancia de seis mil millones de pesos colombianos.

    [cmsms_row data_width=”boxed” data_padding_left=”3″ data_padding_right=”3″ data_color=”default” data_bg_color=”#ffffff” data_bg_position=”top center” data_bg_repeat=”no-repeat” data_bg_attachment=”scroll” data_bg_size=”cover” data_bg_parallax_ratio=”0.5″ data_color_overlay=”#000000″ data_overlay_opacity=”50″ data_padding_top=”0″ data_padding_bottom=”50″][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][cmsms_button button_link=” https://www.abcolombia.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Press-Release-Ango-American-AGM-en.pdf” button_target=”blank” button_text_align=”center” button_style=”cmsms_but_icon_dark_bg” button_font_family=”Roboto+Condensed:400,400italic,700,700italic” button_font_size=”16″ button_font_weight=”100″ button_font_style=”normal” button_border_style=”solid” button_bg_color=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color=”#2e8c73″ button_bg_color_h=”#e2b900″ button_text_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_icon=”cmsms-icon-download-outline” animation_delay=”0″] Nota de Prensa Ingles [/cmsms_button][/cmsms_column][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][cmsms_button button_link=” https://www.abcolombia.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Press-Release-Anglo-American-AGM.pdf” button_target=”blank” button_text_align=”center” button_style=”cmsms_but_icon_dark_bg” button_font_family=”Roboto+Condensed:400,400italic,700,700italic” button_font_size=”16″ button_font_weight=”100″ button_font_style=”normal” button_border_style=”solid” button_bg_color=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color=”#2e8c73″ button_bg_color_h=”#e2b900″ button_text_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_icon=”cmsms-icon-download-outline” animation_delay=”0″] Nota de Prensa Español [/cmsms_button][/cmsms_column][/cmsms_row]

  • “Liberate the Bruno River” Indigenous Wayuu and Afro-Colombians demand that Anglo American returns the Bruno, diverted for the extraction of coal, to its natural course

    “Liberate the Bruno River” Indigenous Wayuu and Afro-Colombians demand that Anglo American returns the Bruno, diverted for the extraction of coal, to its natural course

    Press release

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    28 April 2020

    Indigenous Wayuu and Afro-Colombians demand that Anglo American returns the Bruno, diverted for the extraction of coal, to its natural course

    On 5 May 2020, Anglo American, a London listed multinational mining company (MNC) will hold their AGM behind closed doors. Anglo-American are one of three MNC that jointly own the Cerrejón Open-Pit Coal mine in La Guajira, northern Colombia.

    Communities around Cerrejón have struggled in the courts to prevent the destruction of their rivers. At least 19 rivers and flood plains have been impacted by the mine. In an area that suffers from drought the Cerrejón mine uses 16 million litres of water per day.

    The government’s directive to self-isolate has been issued amid deep inequalities. Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities face this pandemic without water, without food and without the minimum guarantees for subsistence. A pre-existent humanitarian crisis has been exacerbated by COVID-19.

    The key challenge for the communities in this coronavirus pandemic is access to water: hand washing is one of few protections against the virus. Despite a constant legal struggle to uphold their rights, communities around the Cerrejón mine, and those relocated to other areas, struggle to meet their basic needs. The communities’ own sources of water are being cut off making them dependent on the company for handouts. As COVID-19 hits Colombia the lack of access for these communities to food and clean water in the lockdown becomes a matter of life or death.

    “Coal is not a human right, we can live without the exploitation of coal, but we cannot live without water and culture.” Luis Misael Socarras, Fuerza de Mujeres Wayuu

    “What the Wayuu and Afro-Colombian communities demand is that the company allow the waters of their rivers and streams to flow freely along their natural course. Because they are sacred and provide for well-being – they are their sources of drinking water, cultural practices, crop cultivation and washing. In line with the Constitutional Court Judgment, the communities are urgently calling on Cerrejón to remove the tap placed on the Arroyo Bruno that is redirecting the river and return it to its natural course”.  Luisa Rodriguez, Researcher, CINEP.

    Although Cerrejón is supporting the distributing water and humanitarian aid the denial of communities’ right to water in the first place makes them more dependent on aid. Instead of having access to clean water from the main rivers and tributaries, water is having to be manually distributed to communities in self-isolation.

    “Water is a human right and essential in the Cosmovision of Wayuú traditional culture. Defending rivers, water, territory is a practice that costs lives in Colombia. Indigenous leaders and environmental defenders protesting against the mine have been threatened and killed and this is totally unacceptable”.  Carlos Mejia, Executive Director, OXFAM Colombia

    With scant regard for the health of the communities and their workers, Cerrejón announced that it would resume operations from 27 April 2020, even though COVID-19 has not reached its peak in Colombia: the government has ordered a population lock-down until 11 May. Cerrejón will also bring people in from outside La Guajira to continue mining activities. This will expose the Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities and the local workers, with little access to health facilities, to the COVID-19 virus. 

    Protection of the communities’ rivers has not been prioritised either by local authorities or by the Cerrejón mine. There are more and more sentences from the Constitutional Court and local courts in which Cerrejón is sanctioned for the damages caused by open-pit mining. But Cerrejón persistently fails to comply.

    For press interviews

    For virtual interviews with Luisa Rodriguez (Spanish and English), Luis Misael Socarras (Spanish only) and/or Carlos Mejia (Spanish and English), contact:

    Louise Winstanley, ABColombia Programme and Advocacy Manager on: Mobile +44 7920886874 or landline +44 (0)208 854 6324, WhatsApp +44 7920886874 Email: lwinstanley@abcolombia.org.uk

    Notes:

    • Luisa Rodriguez Gaitán, Researcher and Advocacy Advisor on Intercultural work for CINEP/ Program for Peace. For the last 5 years with the Wayuu and Afro-Colombian communities affected by Cerrejon’s open pit mining.
    • Luis Misael Socarras, Wayuu leader, coordinator of the Fuerza de Mujeres Wayuu (Strong Wayuu Women’s Movement) and environmental defender. He was one of the plaintiffs in the Arroyo Bruno case and the legal action against Carbones de Cerrejón environmental license.
    • Carlos Mejia, Executive Director, OXFAM Colombia He has worked in humanitarian field and on developmental issues for the last 25 years leading programmes and teams worldwide.
    • ABColombia is the advocacy project of a group of five leading UK and Irish organisations with programmes in Colombia: CAFOD, Christian Aid UKI, Oxfam GB, SCIAF and Trócaire. Amnesty International and PBI are observers. ABColombia has over 100 partner groups in Colombia, including CINEP. www.abcolombia.org.uk
    • CINEP (Centre for Investigation and Popular Education) is based in Bogota. Established in 1972 by the Jesuits. CINEP is a leading independent ‘think tank’ engaged in investigation and advocacy work on issues related to the conflict and social policy in Colombia. It has developed one of the most highly respected data bases on the conflict situation in Colombia.   CINEP carries out important research on the conflict, human rights, poverty and development.

    Further Information

    Carbones de Cerrejón is one of the largest open-pit coal mines in the world covering an acreage of 69,000 hectares of land in the middle of indigenous Wayuu and Afro-Colombian farming communities’ territory. These communities have for years been struggling against forced relocation, health issues, environmental degradation and destruction of their rivers allegedly caused by the mine. Between 2010 and 2018 over 4,770 indigenous minors in La Guajira, died from malnutrition, yet Cerrejón in a ‘slow’ year made a profit of six billion Colombian pesos (2017).

  • Ensuring civil society’s right to participation: Letter to the United Nations

    Ensuring civil society’s right to participation: Letter to the United Nations

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    On 30 April 2020, the Civil Society Organisations who are members of the Latin American and Caribbean Group at the UN (ONG-LAC) wrote a letter to Ambassador Elisabeth Tichy-Fissleberer, President of the United Nations Human Rights Council, and Ms Michelle Bachelet, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The letter outlined the ONG-LAC’s opinions, from a Latin American perspective, on the continuation of the important work of the UN Human Rights System via virtual mechanisms due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the necessity to ensure civil society’s right to participate in this context.

    The text of the letter is copied below in English, for the Spanish and English PDF version please click on the button above (Spanish is first and English below).

    The members of the ONG-LAC group, as well as other organisations that collaborate with this network, wish to thank the High Commissioner and the Human Rights Council for undertaking every effort to ensure the full functioning of the UN Human Rights System, including via the use of virtual mechanisms. We understand that the Human Rights Council and the Office of the High Commissioner are currently considering this option as a viable means to continue their important work despite the constraints imposed by the current situation.

    We believe that one of the potential benefits of these virtual mechanisms would be a broader participation of civil society from different countries that also interact with the UN Human Rights System. However, drawing from our experience as organisations working in Latin America and the Caribbean, we wish to draw your attention to certain aspects that require careful consideration regarding the risks that the virtualisation of international space of governance may entail.  We hereby share several concrete recommendations in order to ensure that the HRC and the OHCHR continue to function through virtual meetings in accordance with their respective mandates, guaranteeing civil society’s effective participation in particular, and especially by enabling the participation of the sectors most affected by human rights violations in these contexts as well the organisations that support them. In the framework of this discussion, we would like to acknowledge the existing inputs from civil society organisations, in particular the insights contained in the “Survey on civil participation in times of COVID-19” compiled by ISHR and shared with the HRC Presidency.

    In many communities and regions of the world, including in Latin America and the Caribbean, people do not have Internet access or they must leave their homes in order to reach an internet spot, which is impossible to do in these times of confinement. Moreover, in many places in the internet connection is scarce or unstable, whilst this may allow for basic use such as sending and receiving emails, it is impossible to follow a meeting for an extended period of time This situation does not only affect participation within the meeting itself, but it also limits the prior preparation between organisations with the ECOSOC status and the grass-roots organisations they support and for whom they serve as a communication channel with the UN system. Accessibility to virtual spaces and discussion can also be hindered by language barriers and time-zones differences.

    Furthermore, many civil society organisations are operating in oppressive regions or contexts, under the close scrutiny of States and other actors. These settings imply considerable digital risks that can compromise the security of information, communication and thus, the safety of the persons or civil society organisations involved. The lack of full internet access further exacerbates this vulnerability.

    It is crucial to clarify what HRC and OHCHR rules of procedure will be applied for virtual debates, including the status of the decisions and agreement that will be made during these sessions.

    Among other aspects, the following measures should also be adopted:

    • Set deadlines with sufficient advance notice for meetings: many people do not have the time or means to have internet access on a daily basis, therefore meetings should be arranged well in advance, upon consultation with civil society organisations and with the necessary background documentation readily available.
    • Time choice of the meetings: people will be based in different time zones, it is therefore important to convene the meetings at times that will best ensure representative and effective participation of civil society from different regions of the world.
    • Clarity and transparency in the prior establishment of the norms that will regulate the meeting, within a reasonable timeframe: details on the registration process for people to participate what is the data protection and privacy policy applied by the digital platform; how will the participants be identified on the digital platform; how does one request the permission to speak and how will the list of speakers be defined; what is the speaking time for each intervention; will comments or questions be made in parallel via the chatroom; if so, will these contributions be documented as part of the meeting’s deliberations; will it be possible to use presentations or videoclips. Likewise, the technical requirements needed in order to participate in the meeting must be indicated with sufficient advance notice.
    • Spanish translation of background documentation: online communication can hinder the understanding of information which is why we believe that it is fundamental that background documents or drafts to be discussed in the meetings are translated well in advance and sent with the meeting notice, as early as possible.
    • Guarantee sessions with simultaneous interpretation: the meeting notice should provide detailed instructions on how to access the debate in different languages. In some cases and for some events, an assessment should be made as to whether it may be more worthwhile to organise regional meetings. For Latin America and the Caribbean region, this would imply that the meeting may be held in Spanish and would be easier to arrange at a more relevant time for the participants.
    • A basic minimum of interventions must be guaranteed for different sectors of civil society: civil society and with sufficient speaking time, thus ensuring that their voices and messages as well as diverse views are included in the meetings. The restriction of civil society intervention to just some organisation that generally already have a strong and well-established relationship with the UN Human Rights System may exclude diverging voices whose opinions are important to be included in order to assure the democratic process.
    • Written contributions: due to the time constraints of the sessions, especially the informal meetings for which a formal contribution system does not exist, it is important to allow for participants to send their inputs on the topic in writing, without limiting their contributions to what is shared in the duration of the online session. These contributions must be taken into account during the discussions.
    • Human Rights Defenders: it is essential to guarantee safe participation mechanisms for human rights defenders that do not endanger their physical or online security, or expose them to intimidation and reprisals by State and non-State actors. This includes: measures that enable a prompt follow-up to cases of reprisals; States must make public commitments to refrain from perpetrating acts  of  reprisals  or  impede  connections  to  virtual  meetings; Participation modalities that mitigate the risks concerning the identification of participants and the use of videocameras.
    • Internet access availability: in order to not exclude groups that are most affected by the digital divide, it is crucial for the HRC and OHCHR to consider measure to ensure that adequate access to Internet is provided. These include: the use of free-of-charge or low-cost technologies, with low data usage, safe and compatible with mobile phones; the use of regional and/or country offices as safe participation spaces; technical and financial support for civil society groups; and cooperation with the private sector in order to provide essential technologies and low-consumption videoconferencing services, securely and free-of-charge.
    • Data protection and privacy: it is vital that existing safeguards be implemented and transparently communicated to guarantee the participants’ right to privacy and the protection of their data, in line with sound human rights standards.

    To conclude, we would like to emphasise that we consider that virtual meetings cannot indefinitely replace face-to-face meetings and we therefore wish to reiterate that the accommodation of these sessions into the digital form must remain an exceptional measure. We do acknowledge the importance of building on the benefits provided by this format in the future, especially direct and remote participation through the use of videoconferencing. However, it is essential for face-to-face meeting not to be discarded in the HRC’s efficiency process, and that the modalities currently undertaken on the basis of exceptional circumstances do not set a precedent that could jeopardise the effective, diverse and safe participation of civil society.

    The member organisation of the ONG-LAC coalition as well as others that collaborate with this network would like to thank you for your attention to this letter and remain at your disposal to solve any queries or further explain the aforementioned recommendations.

    Signatories

    Grupo ONG LAC:

    1. Conselho Indigenista Missionário – CIMI
    2. Dominicans for Justice and Peace
    3. FIAN Internacional
    4. Franciscans International
    5. Instituto Internacional sobre Raza, Igualdad y Derechos Humanos (Raza e Igualdad)
    6. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    7. Organización Mundial contra la Tortura (OMCT)
    8. Peace Brigades International (PBI)
    9. Red Internacional de Derechos Humanos (RIDH Suiza)

    Organisations endorsing the letter:

    1. ABColombia
    2. Ação Franciscana de Ecologia e Solidariedade – AFES
    3. Asesoría a Programas y Proyectos de Desarrollo – ASPRODE
    4. Asociación B’elejeb’ Tz’i’
    5. Asociación Civil por la Igualdad y la Justicia (Argentina)
    6. Asociación para una Ciudadanía Participativa (ACI PARTICIPA)
    7. Capitulo Chile, Red Internacional de Derechos Humanos Europa Bruselas
    8. Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
    9. Centro de Alternativas al Desarrollo – Colombia
    10. Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Montaña “Tlachinollan”
    11. Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Francisco de Vitoria, O.P, A.C
    12. Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Matías de Córdova (Chiapas, México)
    13. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)
    14. Centro para los Derechos Civiles y Políticos (CCPR)
    15. Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional (CEJIL)
    16. Comisión Colombiana de Juristas
    17. Comisión de Justicia, Paz e Integridad de la Creación
    18. Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos
    19. Comisión Permanente de Derechos Humanos de Nicaragua (CPDH)
    20. Conectas Direitos Humanos
    21. Corporación para la Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos Reiniciar
    22. (REINCIAR)
    23. Espacio de Cooperación para la Paz
    24. Feminista independiente
    25. FIAN Colombia
    26. FMSI Marista Bolivia
    27. Fondo de Acción Urgente para América Latina y el Caribe – FAU-AL
    28. Forum Syd
    29. Fundación de Estudios para la Aplicación del Derecho -FESPAD-
    30. Guatemalanetz Bern
    31. Grupo de trabajo Suiza Colombia
    32. Grupo Guatemalteco de Mujeres-GGM
    33. Iniciativa Mesoamericana de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Humanos
    34. Indepaz
    35. JPIC Familia Franciscana de Guatemala
    36. JPIC México
    37. JPIC OF El Salvador
    38. Justicia Paz e Integridad de la Creación de la Familia Franciscana de Honduras
    39. kolko e.V. – Menschenrechte für Kolumbien
    40. Mesart
    41. Movimiento Franciscano Justicia y Paz de Bolivia
    42. Movimiento de Mujeres Indígenas Tz’ununija’, Guatemala
    43. Oidhaco – Oficina Internacional de los Derechos Humanos – Acción Colombia
    44. Oxfam Colombia
    45. Pax Christi International
    46. Paz con Dignidad
    47. Penca de Sábila de Medellín – Colombia
    48. Pensamiento y Acción Social – PAS
    49. Plataforma Internacional contra la Impunidad
    50. Plataforma Suiza Colombia
    51. Project on Organising Development Education and Research (PODER)
    52. Radio Seybo
    53. Red de Guatemala Berna
    54. Red de la No Violencia contra las Mujeres-REDNOVI
    55. Red Franciscana de Atención a Migrantes – Honduras
    56. Red Franciscana para las Migraciones (Casa Peregrina del Migrante Santo Hermano
    57. Pedro, Guatemala)
    58. Red Internacional de Derechos Humanos Europa Bruselas
    59. Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles de Derechos Humanos “Todos los Derechos para
    60. Todas y Todos”
    61. Red Nacional para la Defensa de la Soberanía Alimentaria en Guatemala REDSAG
    62. Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México
    63. Representante Red Internacional de Derechos Humanos RIDH en Nicaragua y América
    64. Central
    65. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
    66. Servicios y Asesoría para la Paz A.C.
    67. Serviço Interfranciscano de Justiça, Paz e Ecologia – SINFRAJUPE
    68. Soldepaz Pachakuti
    69. Terra de Direitos
    70. Terre des Hommes Suisse
    71. Unidad de Protección a Defensoras y Defensores de Derechos Humanos de Guatemala
    72. Usuarios Digitales
  • Gender Focus in the Special Jurisdiction for Peace

    Gender Focus in the Special Jurisdiction for Peace

    Newsletter Number 9

    Produced by the Observatory on the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, Colombian Commission of Jurists (Comisión Colombiana de Juristas)

    Original Spanish Version can be found here

    Unofficial translation by ABColombia in collaboration with ‘Volunteer Student Translators’ from Bristol University: Lucy Courtnall, Ami Houlbrook, Lottie Sinclair and Maisie Bennett

    [cmsms_row data_width=”boxed” data_padding_left=”3″ data_padding_right=”3″ data_color=”default” data_bg_color=”#ffffff” data_bg_position=”top center” data_bg_repeat=”no-repeat” data_bg_attachment=”scroll” data_bg_size=”cover” data_bg_parallax_ratio=”0.5″ data_color_overlay=”#000000″ data_overlay_opacity=”50″ data_padding_top=”0″ data_padding_bottom=”50″][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][/cmsms_column][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][cmsms_button button_link=”https://www.abcolombia.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Gender-Focus-in-the-Special-Jurisdiction-for-Peace-A2.pdf” button_target=”blank” button_text_align=”right” button_style=”cmsms_but_icon_dark_bg” button_font_family=”Roboto+Condensed:400,400italic,700,700italic” button_font_size=”16″ button_font_weight=”100″ button_font_style=”normal” button_border_style=”solid” button_bg_color=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color=”#2e8c73″ button_bg_color_h=”#e2b900″ button_text_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_icon=”cmsms-icon-download-outline” animation_delay=”0″]PDF English[/cmsms_button][/cmsms_column][/cmsms_row][cmsms_row data_width=”boxed” data_padding_left=”3″ data_padding_right=”3″ data_color=”default” data_bg_color=”#ffffff” data_bg_position=”top center” data_bg_repeat=”no-repeat” data_bg_attachment=”scroll” data_bg_size=”cover” data_bg_parallax_ratio=”0.5″ data_color_overlay=”#000000″ data_overlay_opacity=”50″ data_padding_top=”0″ data_padding_bottom=”50″][cmsms_column data_width=”1/1″][cmsms_text animation_delay=”0″]

    This bulletin deals with the legal framework for the application of the gender focus in the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP – Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz). The focus on gender, equality and non-discrimination are principals rooted in the implementation of the Peace Agreement, that recognises that women, girls and the LGBTQ+ community suffered differentiated violence and impacts in the context of the armed conflict. In particular, the Agreement states that the JEP must take into consideration the special seriousness of violence committed against women and members of the LGBTI community and place an emphasis on their needs, responding to the disproportionate and differentiated impacts that they suffered in the context of the armed conflict.

    The application of the gender focus implies recognition that unequal gender relations were instrumentalised, exacerbated and accentuated in the context of the armed conflict, deepening the impact of violence committed against women, girls and LGBTI persons

    In accordance with the provisions of the Peace Agreement, the JEP’s implementation rules include measures aimed at guaranteeing the application of the gender focus.  Highlighted amongst them are:

    The gender focus is a guiding principle of the JEP. The gender focus must be applied to all phases and procedures of the JEP1. Its application guarantees real and effective equality, recognising that unequal gender relations were instrumentalised, exacerbated and accentuated in the context of the armed conflict, deepening the impact of violence committed against women, girls and the LGBTI   community2 who were affected in a unique and disproportionate manner3.

    Application of the national and international legal framework on gender-based violence.

    In gender-based cases of violence, including sexual violence, the JEP must apply the provisions of the constitutional block, the  Rome Statute’s Rules of Procedure and Practice , Laws 1257 (2008) and 1719  (2014)4. Additionally, it must apply constitutional and international norms that recognise women’s rights5. These norms contain provisions and measures aimed at effectively guaranteeing the rights of victims of gender-based violence, such as for example, the presumption of a close and adequate relationship, established by the Constitutional Court, between the armed conflict and acts of sexual violence6, or the provisions established by the Rome Statute’s Rules of Procedure and Practice that guarantee the participation of victims of sexual violence, avoid their re-victimisation and prevent prejudice or gender-related stereotypes from affecting the practical evaluation of evidence7.

    Identification of criminal motives relating to gender or gender identity.

    In the framework of investigation and litigation of codes of conduct, the JEP has an obligation to identify criminal motivations relating to gender or gender identity 8.

    To do this, it must implement investigation methods, contrasting socio-legal analysis aimed at identifying and obtaining information on elements pertinent to both context and conduct. These methodologies must permit the recognition of cases of gender-based violence, or violence motivated by prejudice related to sexual orientation or gender identity against women and LGBTI persons. Clarify the way in which these acts of violence were committed, identify the objectives pursued by the armed actors, and the impacts on the victims and communities of these acts of violence. Furthermore, the JEP’s Investigation and Prosecution Unit has a special investigation team for cases of sexual violence, which must be comprised of people with experience and knowledge this type of violence and the differential impacts the armed conflict has had on women and LBGTI persons9.

    The JEP must identify criminal acts of conduct related to gender or gender identity

    Adoption of reparation strategies with a gender focus.

    Strategies for reparation and restoration in the framework of the JEP must have a gender focus10. This implies that they must recognise the unique and differentiated suffering of women and LGBTI persons and, in cases of gender-based violence, that victims must be consulted on restorative projects that feature the appearing party. In this way, reparations must adopt a transformative focus that aims to end the situation of exclusion that generated or permitted victimisation, change unequal gender relations that were instrumentalised, exacerbated and accentuated in the context of the armed conflict11 and; destroy machoistic stereotypes12. This poses a particular challenge for the JEP, requiring it to promote the creation of restorative projects that aim to transform the situation of gender inequality (a structural issue in society) and, at the same time, can be developed by those responsible (for the crime) without affecting the rights of the victim.

    Prioritisation and selection of cases of gender-based violence against women and the LGBTI persons.

    The JEP must concentrate the criminal proceedings on persons who had decisive participation, in serious and representative events, in the context of the armed conflict. Applying the criteria of selection13 and prioritisation14 established in the legal framework and in the guide to ‘Criteria and Methodology for Prioritising Cases and Situations in the Judicial Panel for Acknowledgement of Truth, Responsibility and Determination of Facts and Conduct. Under these criteria, it is clear that the JEP must prioritise and select cases that have affected victims in vulnerable conditions or that require the adoption of differential protection measures because they have suffered patterns of historical, social and cultural discrimination related to gender, such as women and LGBTI persons.

    In the same way, in accordance with the principle of centrality of the victim, the JEP must recognise that human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) are the most serious when targeted at women, girls and LGBTI persons, amongst other vulnerable groups15. In addition, the JEP should particularly analyse systematic patterns of criminality, and of the magnitude of the victimisation of women, girls and LGBTI persons, as they develop their analysis for prioritisation and selection.

    In response to this, in several of the prioritised cases or situations, such as Cases 004 (Territorial situation of the Urabá region), 005 (Territorial situation of northern Cauca and southern Cauca Valley), 006 (Victimisation of members of the Patriotic Union by State agents) and 007 (Recruitment and use of children in armed conflict), the Judicial Panel for Acknowledgement of Truth, Responsibility and Determination of Facts and Conduct has taken into account gender-based violence or sexual violence against women, girls or LGBTI persons, in the framework of its analysis of prioritisation. However, the JEP has not opened a case specifically about gender-based violence, including sexual violence, reproductive violence and crimes motivated by prejudices related to sexual orientation or gender identity of the victims committed in the context of the armed conflict.

    Effective participation of victims of gender-based violence from a gender perspective.

    The JEP must recognise the importance of women’s participation in all its actions and proceedings16 and take the necessary steps to guarantee that it is effective from a gender perspective. Additionally, victims of gender-based violence have the right not to have to face their aggressor17. To this end, the JEP must implement the necessary judicial and logistical measures (availability of space, effective means of communication etc.) to ensure that victims can participate effectively without confronting their aggressors and without impairing their rights.

    Creation of a Gender Commission to ensure the effective implementation of the gender focus.

    The JEP has a Gender Commission composed of six magistrates from the various sections and judicial panels. Their aim is to promote the effective implementation of the gender focus, gender equality and non-discrimination of LGBTI persons in the administration of justice. It also functions as an advisory body in relation to violence against women and LGBTI persons18. The concepts that the Gender Commission develops in its consultation work must be in line with the constitutional and international legal framework concerning gender-based violence and the rights of women, girls and LGBTI persons.

    The mainstreaming of the gender focus in all procedures is a fundamental part of the JEP’s mandate. To ensure this, it has a broad legal framework, which includes the standards mentioned above and international norms and standards around this issue. However, the effective implementation of the gender focus in all of the JEP’s operations poses challenges which it must respond to in an appropriate and timely manner. In this regard, it is worth noting that, on 20 February 2020, women’s and LGBTI organisations asked the JEP to prioritise a national case of sexual and reproductive violence and other crimes motivated by the sexuality of the victims within the context of the armed conflict, and asked the Inter-American Human Rights Commission to support this request at a hearing on Gender and the Peace Agreement in Colombia held on 5 March in Haiti19. As noted by the requesting organisations, the opening of this case would offer an opportunity “to send a strong public message, as Colombia must advance in social and legal understanding“20 of these forms of violence against women and LGBTI persons in the context of the armed conflict.

    Notes:

    1. Legislative Act 01 of 2017, transitory article 12, paragraph.
    2. Law 1922 of 2018, article 1, section h.
    3. Law 1957 of 2019, article 18.
    4. Law 1922 of 2018, article 72, paragraph; Law 1957 of 2019, article 106.
    5. Law 1922 of 2018, article 1, paragraph.
    6. Constitutional Court, Order (Auto) 009 of 2015. M.P. Luis Vargas Silva. Subsection VII.1.
    7. The Rome Statute’s Rules of Procedure and Practice. Rules 16.1.d., 17.b.iii, 70, 72, 86, 88, 112.4
    8. Law 1922 of 2018, article  11, numeral 8.
    9. Law 1957 of 2019, article 106.
    10. Law 1957 of 2019, articles 9, paragraph 1, 18, 39, paragraph 1, and 141; Law 1922 of 2018, article 65.
    11. Law 1957 of 2019, article 13.
    12. Law 1922 of 2018, article 65.
    13. In accordance with article 19 of Law 1957 of 2019, the selection criteria are: the seriousness of the events, representivity, the differential characteristics of the victims, the characteristics of those responsible and the evidentiary availability.
    14. In accordance with the guide of Criteria and methodology of the prioritisation of cases and situations in the  Judicial Panel for Acknowledgement of Truth, Responsibility and Determination of Facts and Conducts of the JEP, the criteria of prioritisation being: the vulnerability of the victims, the differentiated impact on ethnic groups and collective subjects, the magnitude of the victimisation, the seriousness of the events, the representativeness of the facts and the alleged perpetrators and the availability of information.
    15. Law 1957 of 2019, article 13.
    16. Law 1957 of 2019, articles 18, 39, paragraph 1; Law 1922 of 2018, article 27C.
    17. Law 1922 of 2018, articles 19 and 27D.
    18. Ruling of the JEP, articles 104 and 105.
    19. Interamerican Human Rights Commission. Session 175. Public audience ‘Gender and Peace Agreement’, Colombia. Puerto Príncipe, Haiti. 5th March 2020.
    20. Corporación Humanas, 24 February 2020 Alianza Cinco Claves asks to open a case of sexual, reproductive violence and other crimes motivated by the sexuality of victims.
  • Letter to President Ivan Duque: COVID-19 and the Humanitarian and Human Rights Crisis

    Letter to President Ivan Duque: COVID-19 and the Humanitarian and Human Rights Crisis

    [cmsms_row data_width=”boxed” data_padding_left=”3″ data_padding_right=”3″ data_color=”default” data_bg_color=”#ffffff” data_bg_position=”top center” data_bg_repeat=”no-repeat” data_bg_attachment=”scroll” data_bg_size=”cover” data_bg_parallax_ratio=”0.5″ data_color_overlay=”#000000″ data_overlay_opacity=”50″ data_padding_top=”0″ data_padding_bottom=”50″][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][cmsms_button button_link=”https://www.abcolombia.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/President-Ivan-Duque.pdf” button_target=”blank” button_text_align=”center” button_style=”cmsms_but_icon_dark_bg” button_font_family=”Roboto+Condensed:400,400italic,700,700italic” button_font_size=”16″ button_font_weight=”100″ button_font_style=”normal” button_border_style=”solid” button_bg_color=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color=”#2e8c73″ button_bg_color_h=”#e2b900″ button_text_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_icon=”cmsms-icon-download-outline” animation_delay=”0″] Carta Presidente Duque [/cmsms_button][/cmsms_column][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][cmsms_button button_link=”https://www.abcolombia.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/President-Duque-ENG.pdf” button_target=”blank” button_text_align=”center” button_style=”cmsms_but_icon_dark_bg” button_font_family=”Roboto+Condensed:400,400italic,700,700italic” button_font_size=”16″ button_font_weight=”100″ button_font_style=”normal” button_border_style=”solid” button_bg_color=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color=”#2e8c73″ button_bg_color_h=”#e2b900″ button_text_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_icon=”cmsms-icon-download-outline” animation_delay=”0″] Letter President Duque [/cmsms_button][/cmsms_column][/cmsms_row]

    ABColombia wrote the following letter to President Ivan Duque on 31 March 2020. You will find a copy of the letter in PDF in English and spanish if you click on the buttons above.

    The Coronavirus (COVID-19) is having a major global impact. Whilst the impacts vary from country to country, all governments are having to take immediate action in order to specifically address the impact on the most vulnerable communities. In addition, in Colombia, the killing of human rights defenders and community leaders has both persisted and accelerated. ABColombia is therefore writing to you to raise our profound concerns for our partners in Colombia that are suffering human rights violations and are further impacted by COVID-19.

    Our partners have alerted us to how Decreto 457 del 22 de Marzo del 2020, declaring that ‘preventative self-isolation is obligatory’ has increased the vulnerability of social leaders and human rights defenders, as they are easier to find in their homes, where they are being killed.

    ABColombia is profoundly concerned about the killing on 24 March 2020 of Carlota Isabel Salina Perez, member of the Popular Women’s Organization (Organización Femenina Popular-OFP). Armed men arrived at her home, forced her out of her house and shot her. Since then her partner has disappeared. On the same day indigenous leaders Omar and Ernesto Guasiruma were killed in their homes, they were complying with quarantine measures in the context of the COVID-19 crisis, as well as, Julio Sandoval Chía (Norte de Santander) and Ángel Ovidio Quintero (Antioquia).

    Furthermore, last week an assassination plan was revealed to kill Jani Silva, community leader of the Peasant Farmer Reserve Perla Amazónica (ZRCPA), Putumayo. Illegal armed groups have been moving around freely in the region of Perla Amazónica and the Putumayo river. These illegal armed structures are present in the same areas of operation as the 27ª Brigada de la Selva (27th Jungle Brigade) and the Fuerza Naval del Sur (Southern Navy Force). Three other leaders from Perla Amazónica have also received multiple death threats over the last year and a half. They are still waiting for a response to the collective protection measures that they have continually requested.

    COVID-19 has particularly impacted the communities. Pre-existing structural gaps in public policies mean that there is no system in place for communities in rural territories who depend on the informal economy, to access clean water, health and food. The Wayúu Indigenous Peoples in La Guajira are seriously affected by these gaps, in spite of the precautionary measures issued by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2015 and the Constitutional Court order T-302 in 2017 declaring that water, health and food, fundamental rights of the Wayúu Peoples, were being violated. The Wayúu peoples live in a situation which requires the implementation of public policies to bring about the structural changes ordered by the Constitutional Court. The national emergency due to the COVID-19 has now compounded this situation.

    ABColombia has many partners in Chocó including the three dioceses of Istmina, Apartadó and Quibdó. They report that the humanitarian situation in the region has dramatically deteriorated, especially in Alto Baudó. The challenges which confront Colombia as a result of the Coronavirus pandemic are causing the pre-existent humanitarian crisis to deepen in its complexity, the precarious health system and fragile economy is putting the life of the inhabitants of the department at high risk. The ongoing conflict in their territories between the Ejército Nacional de Liberación (ELN), las Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (AGC) and the Colombian Armed Forces is further complicating the situation. We hope that the ELN’s recent commitment to initiate a unilateral humanitarian ceasefire due to the pandemic crisis COVID-19 could help alleviate this situation.

    We therefore respectfully recommend that during this COVID-19 pandemic in order to guarantee the humanitarian assistance and effective protection of the Wayúu People the Colombian Government takes immediate action to:

    • guarantee the application of special protection measures for the life of the Wayúu indigenous people, access to water, health and food;
    • continues with the provision of the School Feeding Plan with the necessary health measures to contain possible contact at the time of the deliveries;
    • Guarantee enough food is provided to the Wayúu, which considers their cultural diet;
    • Guarantee permanent access to drinking water for all the Wayúu people, ensure the effective supply urgently needed by members of the Wayúu communities.

    In Choco we respectfully recommend that both immediate actions and long-term structural changes are implemented:

    • immediate humanitarian attention is provided with a differentiated ethnic, territorial and gendered approach in its implementation until the food crisis suffered by communities in Choco is resolved;
    • measures to ensure continuous access to drinking water and health;
    • Local State Institutions attend to the crisis through the judicial instruments provided by the Colombian Constitution, in the Municipality of Alto Baudó and in the different municipalities where the humanitarian situation has deteriorated; this includes a call to the mayors of Alto, Medio and Bajo Baudó to develop a strategy and Action Plan to guarantees rights;
    • A call to the judicial and control bodies to continue to investigate the violent phenomena which is hitting Chocó and in particular Baudó.

    In the case of human rights defenders and communities we respectfully recommend that both immediate actions and long-term structural changes are implemented:

    • Implement an emergency plan for the protection of those who defend human rights, including an immediate attention scheme in case of attacks;
    • The establishment, in consultation with Jani Silva, adequate collective protection measures which have been continuously requested by the Peasant Farmer Reserve of Perla Amazónica
    • to continue investigating the killings and attacks against Human Rights Defenders so that they do not remain in impunity;
    • to make progress with a comprehensive implementation of the agreements in the Peace Accord, thereby, contributing to the guarantees for Human Rights Defenders and those who undertake social leadership in support of the implementation of the Accord;
    • Move forward with the work of the National Commission for Security Guarantees (point 3.4.3 of the Peace Accord) in the development of effective public policies to dismantle and prosecute paramilitary successor groups and their backers;
    • We call on the Colombian government to move in the same direction as the cease fire declaration made by the ELN, so that other armed organisations legal and illegal respect the lives of the communities.
  • Humanitarian Crisis in Chocó Intensifies

    Humanitarian Crisis in Chocó Intensifies

    On 23 March 2020 the social organisations and communities in Chocó brought out a public statement about the deterioration that in the humanitarian situation and the increase in the violations of human rights and terrorising acts in Chocó , so far in the month of March. see below the parliamentary questions asked about the humanitarian crisis in Colombia a translation of the Public Statement issued by communities and organisations in Choco.

    [cmsms_row data_width=”boxed” data_padding_left=”3″ data_padding_right=”3″ data_color=”default” data_bg_color=”#ffffff” data_bg_position=”top center” data_bg_repeat=”no-repeat” data_bg_attachment=”scroll” data_bg_size=”cover” data_bg_parallax_ratio=”0.5″ data_color_overlay=”#000000″ data_overlay_opacity=”50″ data_padding_top=”0″ data_padding_bottom=”50″][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][/cmsms_column][cmsms_column data_width=”1/2″][cmsms_button button_link=”https://www.abcolombia.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/COMUNICADO-CONFINAMIENTO-Y-MUERTE-EN-EL-ALTO-BAUDÓ.vf-002.pdf” button_target=”blank” button_text_align=”right” button_style=”cmsms_but_icon_dark_bg” button_font_family=”Roboto+Condensed:400,400italic,700,700italic” button_font_size=”16″ button_font_weight=”100″ button_font_style=”normal” button_border_style=”solid” button_bg_color=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color=”#2e8c73″ button_bg_color_h=”#e2b900″ button_text_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_border_color_h=”#2e8c73″ button_icon=”cmsms-icon-download-outline” animation_delay=”0″]Statement in Spanish [/cmsms_button][/cmsms_column][/cmsms_row][cmsms_row data_width=”boxed” data_padding_left=”3″ data_padding_right=”3″ data_color=”default” data_bg_color=”#ffffff” data_bg_position=”top center” data_bg_repeat=”no-repeat” data_bg_attachment=”scroll” data_bg_size=”cover” data_bg_parallax_ratio=”0.5″ data_color_overlay=”#000000″ data_overlay_opacity=”50″ data_padding_top=”0″data_padding_bottom=”50″][cmsms_column data_width=”1/1″][cmsms_text animation_delay=”0″

    Parliamentary Questions asked by Baroness Coussins on: 07 January 2020 regarding the situation in Choco and on the Pacific Coast of Colombia:

    Parliamentary Questions asked by Baroness Coussins to the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office on: 07 January 2020 regarding the situation in Choco and on the Pacific Coast of Colombia

    To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the impact on the UK’s investment of funding to support the biodiversity hotspot on the Pacific coast of Colombia, of the (1) activities of paramilitary groups in the region, and (2) threat of displacement to the indigenous communities. HL114

    Answered by Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon on 15 January 2020: The United Kingdom recognises the unique biodiversity of Colombia’s Pacific coast and is committed to helping Colombia safeguard its environmental assets. Although this region is not the focus of our programming, the United Kingdom has implemented some climate change-related projects in the region, as well as some Newton Fund research projects on biodiversity and sustainability.

    We are aware of reports of violence affecting certain areas in this region, and of the continuing presence of organised armed groups competing for control of illicit economies.

    The British Government takes into careful consideration such factors when designing projects and deciding which to fund, and we continually monitor the effect of such risks on our programme work in consultation with colleagues working in Colombia. We also make a thorough assessment of the impact of all of our projects, including on the human rights of local communities.

    We are steadfast in our support of the Colombian peace process, and UK-funded programmes across a range of issues from biodiversity to climate change help to improve the socio-economic conditions in rural areas and tackle the root causes of insecurity, building towards a sustainable peace.

    Baroness Coussins: To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of reports of collusion between the Colombian security forces and illegal armed groups. HL113

    Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon: We are aware that organised armed groups operate in parts of Colombia, and of occasional reports that some members of the security forces are complicit in these groups’ activities. We support the Colombian government’s efforts to root out any such collaboration, including via our specific programme work to foster good governance and tackle corruption in security forces.

    Colombia has made significant progress in its efforts to end the influence of paramilitary groups. We have seen little recent evidence of any widespread collusion between security forces and organised armed groups.

    Baroness Coussins: To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the threat to the security of Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, especially the Embera–Wounaan, on the Pacific coast of Colombia, following reports of armed skirmishes between paramilitaries, the Army of National Liberation and Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia for control of the land. HL112

    Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon: ​We are aware of reports of violence on Colombia’s Pacific coast. The presence of organised armed groups, fighting for control of illicit economies, disproportionately affects a number of Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities. Our Embassy regularly raises concerns about specific communities with the relevant state actors in Colombia. We support the Colombian government’s deployment of further security forces to attempt to guarantee security. More widely, long-term security depends on socioeconomic development of the region and vice versa, key reasons why Her Majesty’s Government remains steadfast in its support for the 2016 peace process and why the United Kingdom maintains significant development programming in Colombia

    Public Statement from organisations in Chocó, English Translation:

    Confinement and death in Alto Baudó (Chocó)

    23 March 2020 Alto Baudó. The ethnic-territorial organisations and dioceses with jurisdiction in the department of the Chocó, together continue to denounce the intensification of the humanitarian crisis and of multiple violent acts committed against the population in the municipality of Alto Baudó.

    Facts:

    The situation in the municipality of Alto Baudó has been marked over the last three decades by state abandonment and the presence of various armed groups. Together these factors have gravely affected the inhabitants, since as well as lacking access to basic human rights, they have suffered the onslaught of armed actors, who as a result of continual territorial disputes have provoked anxiety, the weakening of territorial autonomy, and despair.

    Despite the constant denunciations, made throughout these years, instead of achieving a decrease in the crisis and non-repetition of actions violating the collective rights of afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, during March of this year, there has been an exacerbation of these situations with actions such as: brutal targeted killings generating terror amongst the population; a massacre where seven people were assassinated, including a pregnant woman; forced displacement and confinement of communities; economic blockades; deaths and mutilations by landmines; systemic recruitment of minors; sexual violence against women; threats towards leaders and communities, and the intent by illegal armed groups to supplant ethnic authorities.

    Undoubtedly, at the root of all these negative occurrences lie, on the one hand, the crisis of the social rule of law due to the inefficiency and corruption of some State Institutions, and on the other hand, the territorial disputes between armed groups for the control of the production and commercialisation of illicit crops. Of particular concern are the existing ties between some government authorities, some members of the Armed Forces, and illegal actors.

    Due to all the above, we demand that:

    1. The president of Colombia, Iván Duque Márquez, immediately deals with the calls which have been repeatedly been made from the Chocoano territory to protect the lives and the ethnic rights of its inhabitants, and respond to the situation in the department and in particular to the crisis in Alto Baudó.
    2. The Governor of Chocó, Ariel Palacios Calderón, to attend to the crisis through the judicial instruments provided by the Colombian Constitution, in the Municipality of Alto Baudó and in the different municipalities where the humanitarian situation has deteriorated.
    3. The mayors of Alto, Medio and Bajo Baudó, consolidate a strategy that permits them to attend collectively to the situation in the subregion, revealing the actions that cause victimisation, and including in the development plans concrete actions for the reestablishment of rights. Furthermore, we call on them to work with transparency and continuity in their municipalities.
    4. The judicial and control bodies carry out investigations in the face of institutional acts and the violent phenomena which affect the Chocó territory, and in particular the Baudó.
    5. National and international organisations in defence of human rights continue to draw attention to the constant and systemic violence and ensure the fulfilment of the fundamental rights of these communities.
    6. The Public Forces, fulfil its work of protecting the civilian population by breaking any link with illegal actors, respect the communal spaces of populated areas, without stigmatising and pressurising the communities.
    7. To the Illegal armed groups violating international humanitarian law, to respect the autonomy of the ethnic territories, and not use them as a theatre of war for their purpose of planting and commercialising of illicit crops.

    The great challenges which confront the country as a result of the Coronavirus pandemic affect Baudó and the large majority of the Chocoano territory with extreme gravity due to the pre-existing humanitarian crisis and the precarious medical and economic situation of the inhabitants of the department. WE DEMAND IMMEDIATE HUMANITARIAN ATTENTION WITH A DIFFERENTIATED ETHNIC, TERRITORIAL AND GENDERED APPROACH.

    Signatory Organisations:

    • Diócesis de Istmina                                                                      
    • Tadó – Diócesis de Quibdó
    • Diócesis de Apartadó
    • Foro Interétnico Solidaridad Chocó (con sus 108 Organizaciones)
    • Mesa de Concertación y Diálogo de los Pueblos Indígenas del Chocó
    • ACABA: consejo comunitario general del Río Baudó y sus afluentes
  • Llamado al Gobierno Colombiano de las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil International

    Llamado al Gobierno Colombiano de las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil International

    Bogotá, 16 de marzo de 2020.

    Las organizaciones internacionales de sociedad civil que suscribimos el presente comunicado registramos con profundo dolor y preocupación, la persistencia e incremento de las amenazas, ataques, hostigamientos y asesinatos contra personas y organizaciones defensoras de los derechos humanos, firmantes del acuerdo de paz y aquellas que, en proceso de reincorporación, transitan de un pasado de guerra a un futuro de reconciliación y de paz.

    En esta última semana fueron asesinadas Astrid Conde Gutiérrez (marzo 5) y Edwin de Jesús Carrascal Barrios (marzo 10), con ella y él ya son 15 personas excombatientes de Farc asesinadas en lo que va corrido del año y 190 desde que se firmó el Acuerdo de Paz en el año 2016, según cifras del partido Farc. Adicionalmente, la corporación Solidaridad Jurídica ha denunciado las amenazas y hostigamientos contra otras exprisioneras políticas.

    El 11 de marzo se conoció una nueva amenaza de las Águilas Negras contra una extensa lista de organizaciones lideresas y líderes sociales, que incluye a la Fuerza de Mujeres Wayuu, organización defensora de los derechos humanos y territoriales, ganadora del Premio Nacional a la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos 2017 que trabaja por los derechos étnicos y territoriales en la Guajira desde el año 2006.

    La falta de garantías a la Vida y la no implementación integral de la Acuerdo de Paz, pone en grave riesgo la sostenibilidad del proceso y la búsqueda de nuevos caminos para la Paz en Colombia, por lo que es urgente que el Estado, como responsable de la Vida de todos los colombianos y colombianas:

    • Brinde las garantías suficientes para que quienes le apostaron a la paz y quienes defienden los derechos humanos y territoriales, puedan desarrollar su legítima labor en un ambiente propicio para ellos y ellas.
    • Vele porque se aplique justicia, se investigue, individualice y lleve a los responsables de estos hechos ante las autoridades competentes. Ello sería un mensaje contundente en favor de la paz, por parte de la institucionalidad colombiana regida por el presidente Iván Duque.
    • Avance rápidamente en el diseño y adopción de la política pública para el desmantelamiento de las organizaciones criminales responsables de homicidios y masacres o que atentan contra defensores de derechos humanos, movimientos sociales o movimientos políticos, incluyendo las organizaciones criminales que hayan sido denominadas como sucesoras del paramilitarismo y sus redes de apoyo (3.4.3. del Acuerdo de Paz), frente a la cual los representantes de la sociedad civil ya han presentado una propuesta

    Las organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil internacional, integrantes del Espacio de Cooperación para la Paz, reiteramos nuestra preocupación por estos hechos y por la falta de medidas contundentes por parte del Estado colombiano para esclarecerlos y frenar de una vez el derramamiento de sangre en Colombia.

    Un país que le apuesta genuinamente a la paz, no puede tolerar violencias de ningún tipo contra sus ciudadanos y ciudadanas, particularmente contra quienes desde la civilidad trabajan por mejorar las condiciones de vida y protección de los territorios y sus recursos naturales.